Alimentation des Hadza

L’alimentation des Hadza a été étudiée au moins depuis les années 60. Ils sont présentés dans Man the Hunter, au chapitre 4 (Lee, 1968) au sein d’une synthèse des différentes populations étudiées, et au chapitre 5 dans une monographie (Woodburn, 1968); Ils ont été abondamment étudiés à partir des années 1980, notamment par Kristen Hawkes et al., et par Franck Marlowe et al.
La principale controverse concerne l’importance de l’apport relatif des hommes à travers la chasse aux grands animaux.

Parts respectives de la chasse et de la cueillette

Les Hazda sont généralement présentés comme l’un des peuples dans lesquels la cueillette joue le plus grand rôle. Lee, 1968 donne 80% pour la cueillette, de même que Marlowe, 2007. La chasse n’y représente que 20%, et les Hadza ne sont pas présentés comme pêcheurs. Mais Kaplan, 2000, reprenant les données de Hawkes, donne à la chasse une part nettement plus importante : environ 58% de l’apport calorique, mais avec plusieurs problèmes : il estime qu’il y a autant d’hommes que de femmes, et surestime probablement d’un facteur presque 2 l’apport calorique animal. Marlowe, 2003 avec les mêmes données de Hawkes, trouve 19,3% des calories…

En reprenant les chiffres de Hawkes et des ratios caloriques plus raisonnables, ainsi que des données complémentaires comme celles de Berbesque, 2016, ci-dessous, on arrive probablement à un apport de la viande situé entre 30 et 35% en calories.

Cependant, les hommes Hadza étant spécialisés dans la chasse aux grands animaux, l’apport de viande peut être irrégulier, le taux de succès de chaque chasseur étant relativement faible (de l’ordre d’une prise par mois). Cette irrégularité est mitigé par le partage (quand un chasseur obtient une grande proie, elle est partagée entre tous), ce qui rend l’apport en viande plus régulier, de l’ordre d’une prise de grand animal tous les 4 jours en moyenne. Un grand animal étant consommé sur plusieurs jours, il est probable que l’irrégularité ne soit pas aussi extrême que présentée notamment par Hawkes.

Parts respectives des apports des hommes et des femmes

Physical activity and time budgets of Hadza forager children: Implications for self-provisioning and the ontogeny of the sexual division of labor [PDF]
Froehle et al (Crittenden)
American journal of human biology, 2019

females displayed less variability in their foraging returns than males. These differences may be attributed to sex differences in risk-taking behavior; indeed, Apicella and colleagues (2017) found that Hadza adult males were more likely to take risks for a higher
payoff than adult females during experimental economic games.

Berbesque, 2016 souligne l’importante consommation des hommes hors du camp.

Eat first, share later: Hadza Hunter-gatherer men consume more while
foraging than in central places [PDF]
Berbesque et al.
Evolution & human behavior, 2016.

Ici, la catégorie grands animaux commence à 32kg. Les Hadzas chassent plus de petits animaux (79% en nombre que de grands). Les hommes mangent plus de viande au camp et à l’extérieur que les femmes. Les hommes mangent peu de ce qu’ils rapportent au camp (mais voir aussi Speth, 2012).

All five forays in which meat from large game animal carcasses was eaten were collaborative group forays (range = 2 -7 people, mean = 4.2, median = 4), with several Hadza sharing portions of the carcass. Very small amounts of meat from large game were shared by the ‘recovery team’, which helps to carry most of the meat back to camp. When stalking is involved, the ‘recovery team’ most commonly only involves men; however, when the carcass location is known, this
group can consist of men, women and children old enough to help.
[…]Hadza men’s high rate of eating while out of camp complements recent research that examined Hadza men’s sharing of foods in camp (Wood and Marlowe, 2013), which showed that men consumed little of the food they brought back to camp themselves, but instead shared the foods with their wives, children, and co-resident kin.
[…] However, in our analysis, 79% of the kills made by adult men (ages 16 years and older) were small game animals (weighing less than 32kg). This is consistent with data from Wood and Marlowe (2013; 2014), which show that 79% of the animals that men brought back to seven different camps weighed less than 10 kg. Thus Hadza men should not be considered large game specialists.

More Lessons from the Hadza about Men’s Work [PDF]
Hawkes et al
Human nature, 2014

Utilise ses propres données des années 80 et des données de Marlowe des années 2000. Tableau de saisonnalité.

Vision famille nucléaire isolée :

The Hunting Hypothesis proposes this pattern evolved in
early Homo when ancestral mothers began relying on their mates hunting to provision dependent offspring.[…] emphasis on big game results in collective benefits that would not be supplied if men foraged mainly to provision their own households

Un bel exemple de tyrannie de l’ethnographie ? Difficile de comparer la situation écologique des Hadza avec celle des chasseurs-cueilleurs du paléolithique, avec une densité de mégafaune significativement plus importante, des territoires de chasse considérablement plus vastes, une force physique possiblement bien supérieure [Voir ici], et un armement différent. Notons aussi que dans les études de Hawkes, les Hadza chassent souvent seuls (ce qui n’est pas le cas chez Berbesque, 2016 : encore un degré d’incertitude dans la valeur des études ethnographiques).

Archaeological data are read by many to show that big game hunting and related food-sharing dates to, and is largely responsible for, the emergence of the genus Homo (e.g., Bunn 2007; Isaac 1978). Data on the Hadza are important to this idea because they hunt big game in an environment similar to those in which Homo evolved, in a place that has revealed archaeological evidence of large animal carcass acquisition by early Pleistocene hominins

Juvenile foraging among the Hadza: Implications for human life history [Texte]
Alyssa N. Crittenden
Evolution and human behavior, 2013

males consumed significantly more calories while foraging
when compared to females (Wilcoxon rank sum test p = .008,
mu_hat1 = 2,267 kcal for males, mu_hat2 = 617 kcal for females)

Crittenden 2013 juvenile hadza foraged out

Household and Kin Provisioning by Hadza Men [PDF]
Wood & Marlowe
Human nature, 2013

Un aspect oublié (mais peut-être surestimé chez Speth), est le fait que les hommes se réservent, au moins à certaines occasions rituelles, les meilleurs morceaux :

The paleoanthropology and archaeology of big game hunting (livre) [PDF]
John D. Speth
Springer, 2012

Speth 2012 hadza men Epeme

Recent work on the Hadza reveals a similar pattern of meat-gorging accompanied by significant weight loss. James O’Connell and colleagues’ observations on this are worth quoting in full: Large herbivores are often in poor condition at this time of year [late dry season]; and, as Speth (1987, 1989) has shown, humans eating them are likely to sustain a net nutritional deficit as a result. Data from the Hadza underline this point: despite acquiring more than 30 large-bodied prey over a period of 47 days in the late dry season of 1985, the 50-odd members of our study group on average lost weight during that period (Hawkes et al., 1991, 1995, 1997), presumably because at least some of the animals they took were in marginal condition. Without access to other resources, mainly underground plant storage organs, they would not have been able to operate in that habitat at that time, the very high rate of carcass access, representing an average of >1 kg of meat/consumer-day, notwithstanding (Hawkes et al., 1995, 1997). In other dry seasons in our sample, when large carcass acquisition rates were lower, this pattern of weight loss is absent (Hawkes et al., 1997), probably because consumers were eating less lean meat.
O’Connell et al. (2002:858); emphasis in original
[…]Thus, the San, Hadza, and Ache appear to consume excessive amounts of protein for extended periods with the result that they lose rather than gain weight. In essence, their heavy reliance on meat may be putting them on what amounts to a high-protein weight-loss program somewhat akin to an Atkins diet (1973, 1997).

Sex Differences in Hadza Eating Frequency by Food Type [PDF]
Berbesque et al.
American journal of human biology, 2011

Berbesque Hadza eating frequencies men women

Sex Differences in Food Preferences of Hadza HunterGatherers [PDF]
Berbesque & Marlowe
Evolutionary psychology, 2009

Food taboos among the Hadza are sex specific. Hadza men who have become real menby virtue of killing one of the very large game animals (or else are over about 30 years of age) take particular portions of meat from large game animals. This consists primarily of organs including the genitals, kidney, heart, throat, and tongue. The men eat these portions hidden away from the women and children, and it is considered dangerous for women or children to eat these parts. Perhaps a less stringent taboo (FM has witness a violation of this taboo) is the eating of tortoises by men. Men say that the poison on their arrows will become weak and not work if they eat tortoise. Women and children, however, eat the tortoise without any repercussions. Both men and women avoid eating fish and reptiles. This avoidance does not rise to the level of a taboo,
but when some food does not taste good to them they say that it “tastes like snake,” which is what they say about fish and all reptiles (except for tortoise).

Données de 1995-1996 et 1995 à 2005 :

Berbesque Marlowe 2009 hadza men women

En revanche, les hommes Hadza semblent accroitre leur effort lorsqu’ils ont un enfant en bas âge :

A critical period for provisioning by Hadza men: Implications for pair bonding [PDF]
Franck Marlowe
Evolution and human behavior, 2003

Données récoltées en 1995 et 1996. Compte la nourriture rapportée au camp, conscient que beaucoup est consommé au-dehors.

Marlowe 2003 male provisionning offspring

Tubers as Fallback Foods and Their Impact on Hadza Hunter-Gatherers [Abstract]
Marlowe & Berbesque
American Journal of biological anthropology, 2009

We found, controlling for region and sea-
son, women of reproductive age had a higher %BF in
camps where more meat was acquired and a lower %BF
where more tubers were taken. We discuss the implica-
tions of these results for the Hadza. We also discuss the
importance of tubers in human evolutio

Hadza meat sharing [PDF]
Hawkes et al.
Evolution and human behavior, 2001

Ici, on a 0,7kg par consommateur, soit 7 consommateurs par chasseur. Ca semble beaucoup.

Hawkes 2001 1 sur 30

Hunting and Nuclear Families Some Lessons from the Hadza about Men’s Work [PDF]
Hawkes et al.
Current anthropology, 2001

Hunting and the evolution of egalitarian societies: lessons from the Hadza [PDF]
Kristen Hawkes
In Hierarchies in question: cui bono ?, 2000

Ici, Hawkes parle d’1kg par consommateur. Le nombre de consommateur par chasseur est de 5.

Hawkes 2000 1kg per consumer

Hunting income patterns among the Hadza: big game, common goods, foraging goals and the evolution of the human diet [PDF] [PDF meilleure qualité]
Hawkes et al.
Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society B, 1991

Over the course of the study period, the Hadza hunters with whom we were living killed or scavenged 72 large animals, with an average of one animal every 3.6 days of observation. Species most commonly taken were giraffe (Giraffa camelopardalis), zebra (Equus burchelli), impala (Aepyceros melampus) and warthog
(Phaecochoerus aethiopicus)
[…] Return rates by mass are high. Overall, the Hadza took one large animal every 29 hunter-days, for an estimated return of 4.9 kg (live mass) per hunter-day. Intercept hunting was the most productive technique,yielding one animal every 18 hunter-nights, or about
7.5 kg per hunter-night. Encounter hunting and scavenging produced, on average, one animal every 45 hunter-days overall, one every 53 days in the late dry season, and one every 37 in the wet.
During 45 follows in 1985-1986, on which a total of 75 hunter-days were monitored, men shot at small game (mainly guinea fowl (Guttera spp.) and francolin (Francolinus spp.)) about once or twice a day, but actually took only 14 individuals. Ten of these were
immature hornbills snatched from the nest as the hunter walked by. The total mass of all small prey taken on these trips was about 4.65 kg, approximately 0.062 kg per hunter-day, nearly two orders of magnitude less edible tissue than the mean obtained from
hunting and scavenging large animals.
[en leur demandant de se focaliser sur les petits animaux] Income from hunting small prey averaged 0.225 + 0.480 small animals per hunter-day, or about 0.252 0.626 kg per hunter-day. […] Daily income was higher, although not significantly, for focal against non-focal men: 0.408+0.750 kg per day and 0.429+0.790
animals per day (n = 28), against 0.200+0.593 kg per day and 0.162+0.362 animals per day (n= 74)
[…] According to the optimal diet model, a Hadza hunter does indeed maximize his average rate of meat acquisition by generally ignoring these taxa in favour of larger prey, at least in this season.
[Avec des collets :] Daily income averaged 1.429+2.174 animals per day, or about 0.781 +- 1.097 kg per day (n = 14).
[…]Income by mass from trapping is significantly lower than the long-term mean available from large mammal encounter hunting and scavenging in this season. Mean rate maximizers would therefore choose big game hunting and scavenging rather than

[…] Large samples and long periods of monitoring would be required to distinguish between hunters who were out of camp but not investing time in hunting and scavenging big game, and those who were regularly seeking large animals but were either inept or unlucky.

An introduction to Hadza Ecology
James Woodburn
In Man the Hunter, 1968, chapitre 5.

Woodburn 1968 Hadza mangent sur le champ 1Woodburn 1968 Hadza mangent sur le champ 2

Contribution par âge

L’une des caractéristiques des Hadza est l’importance considérable du rôle des grand-mères dans l’approvisionnement des enfants. C’est le groupe qui travaille le plus (en durée) selon cette étude :

Hadza women’s time allocation, offspring provisioning, and the evolution of long postmenopausal life spans [PDF]
Hawkes et al.
Current anthropology, 1997

Hawkes 1997 temps de travail

Hawkes 1997 grand mother aché men 85 percent


We Are What We Eat [Texte]
Matthieu Paley
National Geographic, 2019


Il est rarement fait mention de techniques de conservation de la viande chez les Hadza. Ici, il semble qu’ils la fassent sécher [Image]

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