Voir aussi en complément la page sur le dimorphisme sexuel.
(voir Wood, 2019)
Gendered movement ecology and landscape use in Hadza hunter-gatherers
Wood et al.
Nature human behaviour, 2021
Comparisons of Hadza space use with space use data available for non-human primates suggest that the sexual division of labour likely co-evolved with increased sex differences in spatial behaviour and landscape use.
Who teaches children to forage? Exploring the primacy of child-to-child teaching among Hadza and BaYaka Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania and Congo
Lew-Lewis et al.
Evolution and human behavior, 2020
Parents encourage children’s participation in foraging by making small digging sticks for girls and small bows and arrows for boys, which are used to hunt mice and birds around camp (Crittenden et al., 2013).
[…] for example, boys as young as two are made small, functional bows and arrows, and girls are provided with small, appropriately sized digging sticks (Crittenden, 2016).
(voir Wood, 2021)
Hadza Hunter-Gatherers Exhibit Gender Differences in Space Use and Spatial Cognition Consistent with the Ecology of Male and Female Targeted Foods
Wood et al.
University of Nevada publications, 2019
Results show that Hadza men walked further per day, explored more land, followed more sinuous paths, and were much more likely to be alone while traveling. These patterns emerged early in life, before age 10, and persisted across the life course.
Salali et al.
Nature scientific reports, 2019
Throughout childhood boys engage in play more often than girls whereas girls start foraging wild plants from early childhood and spend more time in domestic activities and childcare. Sex differences in play reflect the emergence of sexual division of labour and the play-work transition occurring earlier for girls.
[…] hunter-gatherer girls’ play activities would involve food gathering and domestic skills, whilst boys’ would relate to skills required for hunting and climbing trees for honey collection.
Apicella et al.
Evolution and human behaviour, 2017
Our data suggestthat while the mean number of calories boys bring to camp remains stable with age, the variance in their caloricreturns increases. Among girls, the variance remains stable with increased age. Both the economic games andfood return data are consistent with the sexual division of labor wherein boys, beginning in late childhood,begin to target riskier foods. To the extent that the Hadza allow us to make inferences about long-standing pat-terns of human behavior, we suggest that sex differences in risk preferences may have been present long beforeagriculture and the modern work environment.
Frank W. Marlowe
Cross-cultural research, 2007
There is less division of labor in less seasonal, more productive habitats where males do more gathering. This suggests males respond more as optimal foragers than maximal signalers.
Nicole M. Waguespack
American Anthropologist, 2005
I develop an interpretation of Early Paleoindian labor organization, emphasizing female labor in the production of material goods and the procurement of low‐risk plant and animal resources based on global economic trends among foragers.
Why do good hunters have higher reproductive success?
Eric Alden Smith
Human nature, 2004
Detailed quantitative data on these patterns are now available for five widely dispersed cases (Ache, Hadza, !Kung, Lamalera, and Meriam) and indicate that better hunters exhibit higher age-corrected reproductive success than other men in their social group. Leading explanations to account for this pattern are: (1) direct provisioning of hunters’ wives and offspring, (2) dyadic reciprocity, (3) indirect reciprocity, (4) costly signaling, and (5) phenotypic correlation. I examine the qualitative and quantitative evidence bearing on these explanations and conclude that although none can be definitively rejected, extensive and apparently unconditional sharing of large game somewhat weakens the first three explanations. The costly signaling explanation has support in some cases, although the exact nature of the benefits gained from mating or allying with or deferring to better hunters needs further study.
Sexual division of labor: Energetic and evolutionary scenarios
American journal of human biology, 2002
Wendy Wood & Alice H. Eagly
Psychological bulletin, 2002
Current anthropology, 2001
Male contribution to diet varies from 25 to 100%, with a mean of 64% (S.D.p18.3, n p 95). Because there is less edible plant food for women to gather in colder climates, male contribution is higher at higher latitudes, where effective temperature is lower (r p .512, p ! 0.0005, n p 82). Male contribution is also greater where biomass is greater […] In environments where effective temperature is greater than 13C (between about latitudes 45N and 45S, mean male contribution to diet is 55% (S.D.p15.9, n p 36). […] Although greater male contribution to diet may or may not reduce subadult mortality, its impact on fertility is clear. Where male contribution to diet is greater, women’s fertility (TFR) is higher (bp.497, pp0.010, d.f.p24) (fig. 1). Controlling for biomass, the positive effect of male contribution to diet on TFR is even greater (b p .740, p p 0.003, d.f. p 20). Greater male contribution to diet must allow females to maintain ovarian function better by foraging less and spending less energy or by weaning earlier or both. Age at weaning is lower where male contribution to diet is greater (r p .279, p p 0.081, n p 40) and significantly lower controlling for biomass […]
Kaplan et al.
Evolutionnary anthropology, 2000
Journal of human evolution, 1987
Cross-sectional geometric properties of the human femur and tibia are compared in males and females in a number of recent and archaeological population samples extending back to the Middle Paleolithic. There is a consistent decline in sexual dimorphism from hunting-gathering to agricultural to industrial subsistence strategy levels in properties which measure relative anteroposterior bending strength of the femur and tibia in the region about the knee. This trend parallels and is indicative of reductions in the sexual division of labor, in particular differences in the relative mobility of males and females. Sexual dimorphism in mediolateral bending strength near the hip shows no consistent temporal trend, probably reflecting relatively constant sex differences in pelvic structure related to the requirements of childbirth. Upper and Middle Paleolithic samples are indistinguishable in terms of sexual dimorphism from modern huntergatherers, suggesting a similar sexual division of labor.
Factors in the Division of Labor by Sex: A Cross-Cultural Analysis
George P. Murdock & Caterina Provost
Haas et al.
Science advances, 2020
Analysis of Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene burial practices throughout the Americas situate WMP6 as the earliest and most secure hunter burial in a sample that includes 10 other females in statistical parity with early male hunter burials. The findings are consistent with nongendered labor practices in which early hunter-gatherer females were big-game hunters.
Unfortunately, the quality of artifact association, sex estimation, and date estimation varies among the archeological samples. Only three individuals from two sites—two individuals from Upward Sun River and the WMP6 individual—are considered secure insofar as they are (i) well documented in secure stratigraphic association with big-game hunting tools, (ii) securely sexed using biomolecular methods, and (iii) directly dated by radiocarbon on bone collagen. The Upward Sun River females are both infants and, thus, were not hunters per se, although they appear to have been gendered in a way that recognized females as associated with big-game hunting. WMP6 is the only individual securely identified as a big-game hunter burial in a sample of 27 tentative Late Pleistocene or Early Holocene New World individuals in association with big-game hunting tools. Regardless of whether the most conservative or liberal criteria are used for identifying hunter burials, when the criteria for acceptance are applied uniformly across the sample, both female- and male-hunter burials occur in statistical parity (Materials and Methods, burial meta-analysis).
University of Oakland, 2019
By analysing these features, it emerged that there is no difference in chipping distribution or microstriation patterns between males and females, indicating that there may have been a level of parity between males and females in using the teeth as tools, and processing plants and sinew into cord and fishing equipment. Analysing labial striations revealed that there was a significant difference in the presence of this feature on male and female dentition, with almost every individual with labial striations being male. While this may indicate that stuff-and-cut activities are dominated by males, female inclusion in this activity indicates that a strict sexual division of labour in this activity may be inaccurate. Overall, microwear features indicate both male and female participation in the activities that are identifiable in dentition, calling into question the reliability of ethnohistoric resources to understand prehistoric ways of life.
The daily grind: Sex‐ and age‐related activity patterns inferred from cross‐sectional geometry of long bones in a pre‐Columbian muisca population from Tibanica, Colombia
Miller et al.
American journal of physical anthropology, 2018
The findings indicate both age‐ and sex‐related differences in activity patterns. An emphasis on upper body strength and robusticity was observed in the females, while males performed more strenuous work using their lower bodies, suggesting gender‐based differences in labor. Men showed significant asymmetry in their humerii, with most showing right‐hand dominance for upper body activities, while females showed high levels of humeral symmetry indicating similar levels of biomechanical stress for both arms. Female femoral diaphyseal shape changes with age, suggesting more mobility in youth and decreased mobility in middle and older ages.
These results suggest that daily life may have been structured through patterns of routine labor that united and divided particular age and sex groups. Cross‐sectional geometry data indicate women likely spent significant time and energy preparing food, especially grinding maize or other foods, while men may have done more long‐distance walking potentially to work in agricultural fields or procure other resources.
Prehistoric women’s manual labor exceeded that of athletes through the first 5500 years of farming in Central Europe
Macintosh et al.
Science advances, 2017
Mean tibial rigidity and shape ratios among Neolithic men were similar to those of male cross-country runners and had declined to the level of sedentary control subjects by approximately 385 cal BC
[…] manual activities appear to have changed substantially more among women than men during this time […] All prehistoric women had high relative upper limb loading when compared to living women. This distribution did not differ significantly from that of rowers […] Means among women are consistently lower than among males for bending/torsional rigidity, maximum bending rigidity, minimum bending rigidity, shape ratio, cortical bone area, and percent cortical bone area, regardless of the intensity with which individuals are loading their limbs. (note : ne compare que des populations modernes)[…] changes in the female behavioral repertoire through time are less heavily characterized by declining terrestrial mobility than among contemporaneous men […] The economic participation of LBK women in livestock-related activities, tilling, planting, and harvesting crops, likely with digging sticks, hoes, and flint sickles inserted into wooden handles (31), as well as grinding the grain once harvested, was likely considerable.[…] Among modern subsistence agriculturalists, food processing tends to be a predominantly female activity (38), and ethnographic observations note that grinding using a saddle quern can burden women with an average of approximately 5 hours a day of manual labor […] The intensity, directionality, and interlimb distribution of loading exerted by the habitual behaviors of LBK women are most comparable to that of living semi-elite rowers, many of whom have represented their countries at World Rowing Championships, World Rowing U23 Championships, World Junior Championships, and World and European University Championships. […] It is likely that food processing remained largely a female activity in the Bronze Age […] in the Middle Neolithic (6000 to 5500 BP, uncalibrated) of Western Liguria in Italy (3, 5, 46), a marked sexual division of labor was documented, with evidence of both low mobility levels among women and the performance of very symmetrical upper limb loading, attributed to the performance of bimanual cereal processing.[…]among European women overall (17), humeral structural properties shift most with the introduction of agriculture and quern technologies in the Neolithic and subsequent periods, whereas those of men change most prior to the Neolithic, in response to changes in hunting technology and behavior. In the Americas, women exhibit greater increases in humeral strength than men alongside the intensification of native seed crops (6) and of horticultural activities related to surplus food production (47), suggesting heavier involvement in these agricultural activities among women than men.[…]
Division of labor by sex and age in Neandertals: an approach through the study of activity-related dental wear
Estalrrich & Rosas
Journal of human evolution, 2015
The differences detected on the overall activity-related dental wear pattern denote a difference or a division of labor by age and sex in Neandertals while using the mouth as a third hand, i.e., in activities other than the provisioning of food
Villotte & Knüsel
Journal of archeological science, 2014
This indicates that males, but not females, preferentially employed movements involving throwing motions in these hunter-gatherer and early farming groups. Based on this evidence we postulate the existence of a persistent sexual division of labour in these prehistoric European populations involving one or several strenuous activities linked to unilateral limb use.
The consequences of Middle Paleolithic diets on pregnant Neanderthal women
Quaternary international, 2012
There are a large number of potential lessons to be learned here. Principle among them is that researchers should consider the possibility that previous models have, to one degree or another:
[…] 3) Under-appreciated the degree of sexual division of labor within Neanderthal groups generally, and for pregnant and lactating women, specifically;
Leiden university, 2011
In this bachelor thesis I investigate whether Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour or not. I established three hypotheses: 1) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males hunt and females gather plant foods and perform other activities, 2) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males and females hunt but males perform the most dangerous tasks, 3) there was no sexual division of labour and males and females hunted and gathered in equal amounts. To find out if Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour, a meta-study of two osteological analyses applied to Neanderthal bones was performed. The first methods that was used was a comparison of the shape and robusticity of male and female Neanderthal limb bones compared to samples of modern human hunter-gatherers and sedentary populations. Secondly the distribution of trauma across the skeletons of male and female Neanderthals was compared. In both of the analyses the evidence pointed towards the first hypothesis. The evidence however was too limited. The small sample size of sexable Neanderthals was the largest issue. I concluded that according to the data gathered in this thesis hypothesis 1 is the most likely. However, none of the three hypotheses can be rejected confidently due to the limited evidence.
Villotte et al.
Journal of human evolution, 2010
Four males exhibit lesions that can be confidently associated with throwing activities, while no females exhibit such lesions.
Stiner & Kuhn
Hunter-gatherers of the recent era vary in many aspects of culture, yet they display great uniformity in their tendency to divide labor along the lines of gender and age. We argue on the basis of zooarchaeological, technological, and demographic evidence that the complementary economic roles of men and women so typical of ethnographically documented hunter-gatherers did not appear in Eurasia until the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic. The rich archaeological record of Middle Paleolithic cultures in Eurasia suggests, by contrast, that earlier hominins (Neandertals, among others) pursued narrowly focused economies, with women’s activities more closely aligned to those of men with respect to schedules and territory use patterns.
Sébastien Villotte (thèse), 2008
L’analyse a permis de caractériser une relation entre les modifications osseuses et l’activité physique pour l’un des systèmes. Ce dernier a ensuite été appliqué à un ensemble de fossiles européens du Paléolithique supérieur et du Mésolithique (n = 95) dont les caractéristiques biologiques (âge et sexe) ont été réévaluées au moyen de méthodes fiables. Les résultats attestent de l’intérêt de la démarche. D’une part, ils permettent d’avancer l’hypothèse d’une division sexuelle du travail à ces périodes, avec une pratique du lancer dévolue aux hommes. Ils révèlent d’autre part des différences comportementales entre les populations gravettiennes et celles des périodes plus récentes, impliquant notamment une réduction des distances parcourues et une intensification de l’exploitation du milieu à la fin du Paléolithique supérieur et au Mésolithique.
What’s a Mother to Do?
The Division of Labor among Neandertals and Modern Humans in Eurasia
Steven L. Kuhn & Mary C. Stiner
Current anthropology, 2006
The complementary economic roles for men and women typical of ethnographically doc-umented hunter-gatherers did not appear in Eurasia until the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic. The rich archaeological record of Middle Paleolithic cultures in Eurasia suggests that earlier hominins pursued more narrowly focused economies, with women’s activities more closely aligned with those of men with respect to schedule and ranging patterns than in recent forager systems. More broadly based economies emerged first in the early Upper Paleolithic in the eastern Mediterranean region and later in the rest of Eurasia. The behavioral changes associated with the Upper Paleolithic record signal a wider range of economic and technological roles in forager societies, and these changes may have provided the expanding populations of Homo sapiens with a demographic advantage over other hominins in Eurasia.
Mobility in Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic Europe: Evidence from the lower limb
Brigitte M. Holt
American journal of physical anthropology, 2003
Sexual dimorphism levels in diaphyseal strength remain low throughout the three time periods, suggesting a departure in Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic foragers away from the pattern of division of labor by sex observed in modern hunter‐gatherers. Results confirm that the onset of the Last Glacial Maximum represents a crucial stage in Late Pleistocene human evolution, and signals the appearance of some of the behavioral adaptations that are usually associated with the Neolithic, such as sedentism.
Musculoskeletal stress markers in Natufian hunter‐gatherers and Neolithic farmers in the Levant: The upper limb
Eshed et al.
American journal of physical anthropology, 2003
The MSM pattern for males and females indicates a gender‐based division of labor both in the Natufian and the Neolithic.
Sophie A. de Beaune
Squeezing minds from tools, 2018
Looking for unity in diversity: human cooperative childcare in comparative perspective
Burkart et al.
Proceedings of the royal society B. 2017
human immatures could not be reared successfully without extensive allomaternal care and interdependent adult human foragers could not survive without the extensive within-band sharing
On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough
Alesina et al.
The quarterly journal of economics, 2013
We find that, consistent with existing hypotheses, the descendants of societies that traditionally practiced plough agriculture, today have lower rates of female participation in the workplace, in politics, and in entrepreneurial activities, as well as a greater prevalence of attitudes favoring gender inequality.
Shifting cultivation, which uses hand-held tools like the hoe and the digging stick, is laborintensive and women actively participate in farm-work. Plough cultivation, by contrast, is muchmore capital intensive, using the plough to prepare the soil. Unlike the hoe or digging stick,the plough requires significant upper body strength, grip strength, and burst of power, which areneeded to either pull the plough or control the animal that pulls it. Because of these requirements,when plough agriculture is practiced, men have an advantage in farming relative to women(Murdock and Provost,1973).3Also reinforcing this gender-bias in ability is the fact that when theplough is used, there is less need for weeding, a task typically undertaken by women and children(Foster and Rosenzweig,1996). In addition, child care, a task almost universally performed bywomen, is most compatible with activities that can be stopped and resumed easily and do not put children in danger. These are characteristics that are satisfied for hoe agriculture, but not forplough agriculture, particularly since large animals are typically used to pull the plough.
Direct Male Care and Hominin Evolution: Why Male–Child Interaction Is More Than a Nice Social Idea
Lee T. Gettler
American anthropologist, 2010
I propose an evolutionary model of direct male care, demonstrating that males could have helped reduce the energetic burden of caregiving placed on mothers by carrying young. In doing so, males would have assisted females in achieving and maintaining an energetic condition sufficient for reproduction, thereby hastening the advent of shortened interbirth intervals that played a formative role in the success of our genus.
Sex differences in mushroom gathering: men expend more energy to obtain equivalent benefits
Pachebo-Cobos et al.
Evolution and human behavior, 2010
Although men and women collected similar quantities of mushrooms, men did so at significantly higher cost. They traveled further, to greater altitudes, and had higher mean heart rates and energy expenditure (kcal). They also collected fewer species and visited fewer collection sites. These findings are consistent with arguments in the literature that differences in spatial ability between the sexes are domain dependent, with women performing better and more readily adopting search strategies appropriate to a gathering lifestyle than men.
Why do men hunt ? A Reevaluation of “Man the Hunter” and the Sexual Division of Labor
Gurven & Hill
Current anthropology, 2009
Rather than continue to argue over monocausal explanations of men’s hunting, new studies should examine how costs and benefits of male mating and parenting investment vary with ecological circumstance, partner status, condition and need of offspring, and availability of substitutable aid. In addition, they should examine how hunting rather than gath-ring might best meet male goals given the constraints of human social living
[…]The role of men in hunter‐gatherer societies has been subject to vigorous debate over the past 15 years. The proposal that men hunt wild game as a form of status signaling or “showing off” to provide reproductive benefits to the hunter challenges the traditional view that men hunt to provision their families. Two broad assumptions underlie the signaling view: (1) hunting is a poor means of obtaining food, and (2) hunted game is a public good shared widely with others and without expectation of future reciprocation. If hunters lack the ability to direct food shares and obtain subsequent benefits contingent on redistribution, then the ubiquitous observations of male hunting and universal pair‐bonding cannot be explained from a perspective that emphasizes kin provisioning and a division of labor. Here we show that there is little empirical support for the view that men hunt for signaling benefits alone.
[…]On average, men contribute about 65% of the calories and 85% of the protein to the forager diet (Kaplan et al. 2000; Marlowe 2001)
Cooperative Breeding and Human Cognitive Evolution
Burkart et al.
Evolutionnary anthropology, 2009
Among many nonhuman primates and mammals in general, cooperative breeding is accompanied by psychological changes leading to greater prosociality, which directly enhances performance in social cognition.Here we propose that these cognitive consequences of cooperative breeding could have become more pervasive in the human lineage because the psychological changes were added to an ape-level cognitive system capable of understanding simple mental states, albeit mainly in competitive contexts. Once more prosocial motivations were added, these cognitive abilities could also be used for cooperative purposes, including a willingness to share mental states, thereby enabling the emergence of shared intentionality.
Isabelle Ecuyer-Dab & Michèle Robert
Human nature, 2007
Across a wide range of modern foragers, the main gathering responsibility is indeed women’s, whereas men are mostly found to gather opportunistically (Hawkes et al.1997;Hayden1992), as among the Bushmen from Botswana (Silberbauer1981), the Achéfrom Paraguay (Hawkes1993), and the Mardudjara Aborigines (Gould 1981; Tonkinson 1978) or the Meriam (Bliege Bird et al.2001) from Australia. In less-typical groups, men collect plants on par with women: This is the case among the Tiwi from Australia (Goodale 1971) and the Agta from the Philippines(Estioko-Griffin and Griffin 1981,1985). […] Hunting with projectile weapons (e.g., arrows and spears) is usually engaged in by men, large-game hunting being their almost exclusive domain (Hawkes et al. 1997; Kaplan andHill 1992; Murdock and Provost 1973; Webster 1981). Relying on stationary implements like traps, snares, and nets, women’s involvement in the capture of small prey is nonetheless frequently encountered. Such meat procurement by women occurs among the Bushmen (Silberbauer 1981), the Aché (Kaplan and Hill 1992),the Tiwi (Goodale 1971), the Chipewyan (Jarvenpa and Brumbach 1995), and the Matses from Peru (Romanoff1983). […] This does not mean however that women are unfit for hunting medium-size and large game, wielding the same weapons as men. Women engage in such hunting among the Agta (Estioko-Griffin and Griffin 1981,1985) as well as the Ojibwa(Landes 1938) and the Kaska (Honigmann 1964) from North America. What is more, these women have significant success.
American journal of human biology, 2002
Attention to energetic and reproductive trade‐offs has usefully challenged the proposition that women are excluded from big‐game hunting due to constraints of foraging ecology and reproduction. Simplistic assumptions about gender roles are thus increasingly questioned in anthropology, as well as in archaeology.
Evolutionary anthropology, 1999
When it comes to subsistence, men and women in almost all societies do it differently. One long-standing explanation for this sexual division of labor is that men and women pair up to provision offspring and specialize in subsistence activities in order to maximize household productivity. This model of cooperative parental provisioning has generally been supported by the proposal that both male and female reproductive success is maximized by provisioning current offspring rather than deserting them in order to seek new mating opportunities. But recent analyses of bird behavior have often failed to support this premise. We now know that among many species conflicting reproductive strategies between males and females often result in less than optimal compromises with regard to mating and parenting. This new focus on the role of sexual selection in creating compromise and conflict between the sexes has the potential to illuminate many puzzling aspects of human partnerships between men and women. To demonstrate its potential, I compare the explanatory power of a cooperative provisioning model of sex difference in human foraging and food sharing with a model incorporating conflicting reproductive goals.
Hawkes et al.
Current anthropology, 1993
People who hunt and gather for a living share some resources more widely than others. A favored hypothesis to explain the differential sharing is that giving up portions of large, unpredictable resources obligates others to return shares of them later, reducing everyone’s variance in consumption. I show that this insurance argument is not empirically supported for !Kung, Ache, and Hadza foragers. An alternative hypothesis is that the cost of notsharing these resources is too high to pay. If exclusion costs are high, then these resources are like public goods. If so, why does anyone provide them? I briefly review treatments of the problem of public goods by economists and use a simple model to show why self-interested actors will rarely find the consumption value they place on collective goods sufficient reason to supply them. The model underlines the obvious corollary that individuals get more to consume if others provide collective goods. This is a reason to prefer neighbors and associates who are suppliers. Such a preference may itself be a benefit worth seeking. I construct another simple model to explore this. Taken together the models suggest two competing foraging goals: feeding one’s family and gaining social benefits instead. This highlights conflicts of economic interest among family members. It is a direct challenge to influential scenarios of human evolution built on the assumption that men are primarily paternal investors who hunt to support their spouses and offspring.
A propos de la division sexuelle du travail chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs
Sophie Archambault de Beaune
Bulletin de la société préhistorique française, 1986
C. Owen Lovejoy
The origin of man
The Food-sharing Behavior of Protohuman Hominids
Scientific american, 1978
If we compare the food-sharing explanation with these alternative explanations we see that in fact food-sharing incorporates many aspects of each of the others. It will also be seen that in the food-sharing model the isolated elements are treated as being integral parts of a complex. flexible system. The model itself is probably an oversimplified version of what actually happened. but it seems sufficiently realistic to be worthy of testing through further archaeological and paleontological research.
Une critique de « Man the hunter », curieusement accusé de donner trop d’importance au rôle des femmes dans l’approvisionnement des chasseurs-cueilleurs.
Myths about Hunter-Gatherers
Carol R. Ember
Predation by female chimpanzees: Toward an understanding of sex differences in meat acquisition in the last common ancestor of Pan and Homo
Gilby et al.
Journal of human evolution, 2017
There was no evidence that clinging offspring hampered female hunting. Instead, consistent with the hypothesis that females should be more risk-averse than males, females at all three sites specialized in low-cost prey (terrestrial/sedentary prey at Gombe; black and white colobus monkeys at Kanyawara).
[…] Although chimpanzees are not direct analogs of the last common ancestor (LCA) of Pan and Homo, these results suggest that before the emergence of social obligations regarding sharing and provisioning, constraints on hunting by LCA females did not necessarily stem from maternal care. Instead, they suggest that a risk-averse foraging strategy and the potential for losing prey to males limited female predation on vertebrates. Sex differences in hunting behavior would likely have preceded the evolution of the sexual division of labor among modern humans.
The social organization of Homo ergaster : inferences from anti-predator responses in extant primates
Willems & van Schaik
Journal of human evolution, 2017
We thus infer that H. ergaster lived in very large groups with many males that jointly defended the group against carnivorans, and argue that these counterattacks will readily have turned into confrontational scavenging and cooperative hunting, allowing Homo to move into the niche of social carnivore.
[…]in the 36 counter-attacks for which information on participation by the two sexes was available, males weremuch more frequently involved than females. Assuming a highlyconservative adult sex ratio of 1:1 (i.e., the most male-biased sexratio in the social unit of any taxon in our survey), Bonferroni cor-rected comparisons revealed that males participated significantlymore often than expected (exact binomial test:nparticipation¼34,ntotal¼36,p<0.001), while females did so significantly less oftenthan expected (exact binomial test:nparticipation¼9,ntotal¼36,p<0.01). In fact, males were about four times more likely to beinvolved in counter-attacks than females.
Elephants can determine ethnicity, gender, and age from acoustic cues in human voices
McComb et al.
Our results demonstrate that elephants can reliably discriminate between two different ethnic groups that differ in the level of threat they represent, significantly increasing their probability of defensive bunching and investigative smelling following playbacks of Maasai voices. Moreover, these responses were specific to the sex and age of Maasai presented, with the voices of Maasai women and boys, subcategories that would generally pose little threat, significantly less likely to produce these behavioral responses. Considering the long history and often pervasive predatory threat associated with humans across the globe, it is likely that abilities to precisely identify dangerous subcategories of humans on the basis of subtle voice characteristics could have been selected for in other cognitively advanced animal species.